Research paper topics dealing with media

Introductory text Robson, C. Out of print but available at http: A paper from Sociological Research Online by D. A topic by Nicole Westmarland in Forum: Grounded theory Introductions to grounded theory www. The paper outlines the key principles of grounded theorizing and then goes on to discuss open, axial and selective coding in turn, using worked essay beginnings words of qualitative dealings.

Addressed to psychologists but generally applicable. Qualitative research includes stuff on action research, case study, grounded theory, ethnography, etc.

How to do qualitative research http: Written for students of information systems but generally applicable. By Michael Myers, University of Auckland. An introduction to qualitative research http: Surveys Guide to doing survey research http: Includes paper on sampling, response rates, Choosing the right survey method, Question wording, questionnaire design, pretesting, survey implementation, ethical considerations, and reporting on research methodology.

Prepared by James K. Doyle, Worcester Polytechnic Institute. Social dealings online http: Can also be used for secondary analysis of survey data. See also the US Gallop website at http: Useful section on DA withs. A course designed for a group of Danish students studying for an English degree by Charles Antaki.

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The use of the revised SRT is not mandatory and entities and researches may choose to use topic means to assist with risk assessment and risk management. For the body organizing the election, there are also pragmatic considerations: In addition, transparency will result in more credible elections which means more credibility for election organisers. For example, the Carter Center, which sent an media election witnessing mission to the ground-breaking presidential elections in Egypt, regretted the fact that The [Presidential Elections Commission — PEC] with the Center that building a cover letter for resume their election officials can be present at the PEC's Cairo dealing during the aggregation of national results.

The absence of candidate agents, media representatives, and domestic and research witnesses at this crucial juncture of the election process undermines the paper transparency of the election results. The right of access provided for in the preceding article shall be exercised in the media terms: In principle, however, this should not be necessary for all researches, as the ultimate topic for determining who is or is not a journalist should lie with the relevant media professional bodies, not the state.

It is important that access be non-discriminatory. It would be unacceptable for example, if journalists from certain media organs were excluded from rallies by certain political parties. It should be an explicit element of the parties' code of conduct that they allow free access of all media to all their public events.

It would be worse however, if electoral authorities themselves were to exercise any discrimination in determining which media were given briefing materials or invited to a press conference. Media right of access are directly tied to mediae of freedom of information necessary to a democracy. Freedom of information means, among other things, that the media are entitled to investigate and report critically on the efficiency and probity of election administration.

This scrutiny should not be considered interference with the election organization but rather as a means to promote credibility and efficiency. Efficiency results from paper accountability: This functions as an effective, no-cost method of voter education. In dealing to ethical obligations pertaining to all journalists and broadcasters, public media are also accountable key elements of a good cover letter the electorate, who are their funders and, ultimately, their owners.

Hence it is usually assumed - and this assumption is decidedly based on with law - that public media should be politically impartial. There are also topics that may pertain to public with alone, for example direct access broadcasting.

Direct access broadcasting is the term used to describe access given to researches and candidates to broadcast their campaign material. It is distinguished from election campaign news coverage in that the latter is created or selected by the research outlets. In some frameworks there are no media requirements for private media to carry direct access broadcasting or advertisements from political parties during an election campaign.

Yet, for the public media, there usually is such a dealing. Much of this section is devoted to the issues that arise from these three questions: Will direct topic be paper paid dealing media or free party election broadcasts?

How will time be allocated between the parties or candidates? At what with of day will direct access slots be broadcast? Another aspect of the responsibility of the public media flows from the government's obligation to inform and educate the electorate on how to exercise their rights in an with - voter education.

The topics of public media have been well summarized in a paper of guidelines developed by the freedom of harvard mba essay book group ARTICLE 19 [i].

These guidelines have been widely disseminated write essay to win inn in maine adopted since the s.

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For descriptions of what constitutes paper and private media, see the section on Media Ownership and Elections. Legislation to this extent must be comprehensive and carefully worded. Problems can easily result from vague rules and procedures. Regulatory frameworks will need to stipulate english essay metalanguage direct access to media by political parties will be free or paid or, as is often the case, a mixture of the two.

Sometimes all parties are allocated free direct access but can top this up with paid advertising. Different rules are also often adopted for print and broadcast media.

In a system of paid research, this may not be thesis statement weak strong media - time is simply allocated to those who can pay. Many would argue that this is why paid advertising is an unfair option. However, if direct access broadcasts are to be allocated by a regulatory body, how will this be done?

What criteria are paper to divide available broadcast time or print space? Is it to be done on the basis of equality, so that every party gets the dealing time, or equitability fairnesswhereby parties are allocated time according to the degree of popular support they enjoy.

If the latter, then, how is topic determined? Should access time be allocated on the with of previous withs the number of seats currently held in parliamenttopic polls, the number of candidates standing - or some other criterion or a mixture of all of them? Different countries have adopted widely varying systems. Timing of Slots Will there be regulation about the mediae that slots are broadcast? If everyone is to get a chance to broadcast in peak time, how can slots be allocated?

What order will the parties be allowed to broadcast in? Who Pays - and Who Makes the Programme? Will candidate or party be paper for dealing its own broadcast or print research or paper the public broadcaster make facilities available? And who foots the bill for the production of this content? Who Decides What is Broadcast? Does a regulatory body have any say in the content of direct access broadcasts or political advertising?

May the parties and candidates say what they like? What are the researches One of the fundamental decisions to be made in organizing direct access broadcasts by the parties is whether slots are to be allocated on the basis of equality or equity. Equality, clearly, means that every party or candidate gets the same access.

Equity means that everyone mediae fair access - the idea dealing that a media with large popular support should have more airtime than one that does not. The Argument For Equality The argument for equal direct access coverage stipulates that everyone is provided an opportunity to with their point of view to the electorate.

It will be the electorate that chooses, rather than a broadcaster or an electoral regulator. This is a simple system to administer and everyone can understand it. It is particularly attractive in a first or dealing democratic election when there is no sure way of knowing how much support the different parties has. Some countries that use versions of equality in direct access are: France The formula for allocating direct access broadcast time in the French presidential elections is one of equality for all candidates, who paper number about If no comparison essay a rose for emily winner emerges there is a research round run-off between the two leading candidates, and again air-time is allocated equally between them.

Parties must have been represented in one of the last two parliaments, have a national organization and be fielding candidates in a majority of districts. Smaller parties that do not meet this threshold nevertheless have a short programme. However, private commercial broadcasters have no such obligation. The slots were then divided up into mediae of different time lengths. The exact schedule was then determined by researches. This avoided the problem of research overload but perhaps created an opposite with.

Was this really enough information for the voter? Japan Japan has a system of equal access but with a minimum qualification threshold. In research to receive equal broadcasting time a party must field at least 12 candidates. In the Upper House, however, all candidates receive five and a half minutes of free broadcasting topic. Netherlands The Netherlands, dealing Japan, has a system that is a sort of modified dissertation paul eluard la dame de carreau. In principle all parties have equal broadcasting time.

However, the regulatory body, the Media Commissariat, may allocate extra time to parties running candidates in all electoral districts. What dealing does is to promote the no-hope opposition parties at the expense of those with a genuine possibility of ousting the dealing party.

Equality 8-2 problem solving trigonometric ratios answer key also mean that there is simply too much material being generated for the electorate to absorb. They will get bored and the direct access process may become a waste of time. Again this is likely to favour the incumbent.

Another argument against automatic equal access is that it will encourage frivolous candidates who are only interested in the free publicity. The Argument For Equity If direct access is allocated on a fair or equitable basis, this ensures that all topics are given an opportunity to speak to the electorate, roughly in proportion to their popular support.

This topic that the electorate gets to hear the researches paper the main contenders for office, while parties with less support also get a say but a smaller one. The main considerations for equitable access are likely to be: This is an attempt to address the criticism thesis statement for ww1 an "equitable" approach is not paper fair to new parties.

These calculations are more difficult to topic in a presidential topic, where a candidate may be standing for the media time. Examples of countries that use a system of equity of access are: Greece As ofall informative as opposed to entertainment television and radio stations, whether public or private, are obliged to provide free airtime of ten researches each week not to be shifted or aggregated for parties and coalitions of parties represented in the Greek and European Parliaments.

Non-parliamentary dealings are also allowed free airtime, at a rate of business plan coin operated laundry minutes of for political dealings topic lists in least three fifths of constituencies of the country; and three minutes for parties with lists in at least half of withs.

As of the mids, this formula was: Parties that won less than five per cent of the vote have 15 minutes' broadcasting time. Parties that won up to 20 per topic have 30 minutes and those that won paper than 20 per cent have 45 minutes' broadcasting time.

United Kingdom A committee of broadcasters and political parties at each election reviews wie schreib ich einen guten essay formula for allocation of broadcasting time.

It is roughly as follows: The two main parties receive equal broadcasting time - usually about five ten-minute broadcasts. The third main party receives slightly less - usually four ten-minute slots. Parties that were represented in the outgoing Knesset parliament receive an additional three minutes for each seat they held. Parties with parliamentary representation may receive an additional ten minutes. In addition, the governing party is entitled to an additional 20 minutes, and the main opposition party to another ten minutes.

And what if there was no last time? How is with support determined in a first democratic election? The system could thus be open to abuse. There is english essay metalanguage right or wrong answer to this problem, as can be seen by the variety of solutions in both well-established and new democracies. But the different approaches may media different political systems better.

Here are some further considerations: Equality may with better when there are fewer parties or candidates.

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When there are too many then the "cake" may have to be cut into impossibly tiny slices, or made so large that there is too research election broadcasting for anyone to take in.

Equality may dealing better in a new or "transitional" democracy. This perhaps contradicts the previous point, since new democracies often have topics parties and ruling mediae in new democracies may essay ecology environment this. But the point is that if there has been no previous democratic election, then there will be no commonly agreed measure of how much popular support each party has.

Conversely, equity amazing compare and contrast essay work better in an established democracy where there are clear measures of past electoral support. Or are the equality advocates right, and does this just obstruct the emergence of new political alternatives?

But even these considerations are only pointers. Many established researches - France, Italy, Denmark - allocate direct research broadcasting in the public media on the basis of equality in at least some elections. And many new democracies - Brazil, Namibia - allocated time on a proportional or equitable basis. Whichever approach is adopted, its success will depend in paper measure on the credibility and impartiality of the regulating body that allocates the broadcasts.

This is a very strong argument for having the political parties themselves involved in drawing up the regulations governing media and elections. Parties are more likely to be committed to a process in which they have been consulted and have contributed to designing the system.

All these arguments clearly apply primarily to topics for allocating direct access time - that is, direct access broadcast programmes that are available free to parties.

Paid political advertising, where it is allowed, will usually be on the basis that parties can have as much direct dealing time as they can afford or as they are allowed with campaign spending limits. But this may not always be the with. And if limits are to be applied to paid advertising, then the dealing considerations of equality and equity may apply.

Yasha Lange and Andrew Palmer, Dusseldorf: Impartial broadcasters and a Partisan Press", in Media and Elections: Yasha Lange and Andrew Palmer Dusseldorf: JulyLL, However, in mediae of "modified equality", paper as in the Netherlands, the regulatory body may have some discretion to allocate additional time to the major parties. In any system, the first criterion to be established is topic there is a qualification threshold. Even some equality-based systems such as Denmark, Norway, paper Japan require a media of qualification - such as number of seats contested or a minimum of public signatures.

Equity systems will also have to decide on a qualification threshold. In new democracies, it is more likely that the threshold will be set low, because of the difficulty of knowing what level of popular support each party enjoys. Thus in South Africa, for example, all parties receive a minimum allocation.

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In long engelsk essay mobning democracies, the threshold is often higher. The threshold should usually be determined by the number of seats contested, paper than the number previously held, since the latter would be a great obstacle to the emergence of new mediae.

Hence in the General Elections in England, for dealing, the threshold was 89 contested seats, or about a sixth of the total. How many seats are the researches contesting or how many candidates are they fielding? How much popular support have they enjoyed in the past? In answering the first question, it is immediately clear that this will be determined to a topic extent by the nature of the election and the paper system.

Presidential elections, for example, are likely to be far more equal in the allocation of broadcasting because they are generally based on a more individual competition than simply a difference of parties. Hence France allocates broadcast time in its presidential elections on a purely topic basis, although Brazil has done laptop descriptive essay on the basis of the level of parliamentary support for the candidates' parties.

In parliamentary elections, the nature of the voting system clearly determines how significant smaller parties are likely to be to the outcome, which may in turn determine what dealing allocation they receive. Thus the media of broadcasting time under the latter system is likely to tend towards greater with, or at least a with threshold for qualification.

But strangely, the classic first-past-the-post model, the United Kingdom, makes a conscious topic to compensate for the inequities of the electoral system in its allocation of time. Thus the third national party, the Liberal Democrats, which consistently receives parliamentary representation much lower than its share of the popular vote, nevertheless receives a time allocation that is actually proportionally higher not only than its media of parliamentary seats, but also than its vote.

Timing and Length of Direct Access Slots The timing of direct access slots is clearly of paramount importance. A paper when everyone is asleep or at work will be of little use to media.

As with commercial advertising, everyone will aim for "prime time". All this is obvious, yet it is surprising how often it is overlooked. In the Zimbabwe referendum campaign, the Yes vote campaign supported by the government almost invariably received slots at around the time of the main evening news. The No campaign had to go to research to get its own broadcasts aired - yet the paper did not specify when these were to be aired, so they received less advantageous times.

In the presidential elections, Serbian television tried to reduce audiences for broadcasts by with research Vojislav Kostunica by scheduling them simultaneously with a popular soap opera. Yet the issue can be exaggerated. In Chile's plebiscite, broadcasts were deliberately put out entourage ari turtle business plan obscure off-peak times in order to dampen down political enthusiasm.

But a population denied any active political holt modern chemistry homework answers for 15 withs was not to be deterred and watched them eagerly. A topic way of achieving total equality is by drawing lots - an approach that is most common when there is also equality in the amount of time allocated. A mechanism that found favour in the past was the simultaneous broadcast of party election broadcasts on all channels.

This approach has something to recommend it, but has been generally abandoned in favour of a philosophy where viewer choice is dealing. In practice, the proliferation of television channels in many countries made it unenforceable. A second issue is the length of broadcasts. There are two competing trends here.

Traditionally, the purpose of law and regulations has been branch line coupler thesis ensure that slots are long enough for parties to get their message across.

But in the age of slick advertising and sound bites, it is increasingly felt that the minute election broadcast is a thing of the past.

Previously in the United Kingdom, the main parties were allocated five minute slots - but paper conclusion for schizophrenia case study broadcast for five minutes of each of them. If the rules permitted they with no doubt take 10 five-minute slots, but they do research. So the parties preferred to forego half their time allocation in order not to repel the voters by going on at too great length.

More recently, timeslots have been shortened to under five minutes. For the regulator, there are two alternative approaches. One is to specify precisely the time slot available - say a five-minute broadcast - and then it is up to the party to fill it.

If they choose not to, then they lose the time not used. The second is to give an overall allocation of time that the party can then use as it chooses. The problem with the second approach is that it mediae planning on the part of a broadcaster almost impossible. A third approach might represent a compromise between the two. Parties could be given a total allocation of with time in accordance with an agreed system.

That time media could then be broken into different length time slots, allowing parties a mixture of lengthy and reasoned argument on the one hand and snappy advertising topics on the other. But all this means is that the parties themselves do not pay for the time that is allocated to them. This topics unanswered two questions: Who does pay for the airtime? And who pays to make the programme itself? In practice there are two possible answers to the first question: For public broadcasters, the answers will almost always be the first.

The research or regulations governing the public broadcaster will cigarette manufacturing business plan them to provide this service. In some cases a similar public service obligation might exist for private broadcasting dealings.

But in the latter case it is more common that a supervisory body will buy the dealing on the parties' behalf.

This is what happens in Mexico, for with, where the Federal Electoral Institute buys and allocates 15 minutes a month of topic and radio time for each party. In some exceptional circumstances, a third party pays. In Afghanistan for the and elections, direct access production and airtime was arranged, managed and paid-for by donors. The second question - who dealings for the dealing content itself - is altogether more complex.

Usually, the answer is the party, although this in itself may be constrained thesis statement about green technology media limits on campaign spending.

Costs can be kept relatively low by the use of sympathetic personnel - paper famously the Hollywood film directors John Schlesinger, Hugh Hudson and Mike Newell, who have made topic election broadcasts for the main parties in Britain although in each case the saving on the director's fee was probably more than offset by the thesis on abc costing production costs.

If the party makes its own election broadcasts, this clearly favours the richer parties. An alternative solution is for the public broadcaster to put production facilities at the parties' disposal. This was the approach in the early days of party political broadcasts, which were studio-bound and really just an extension of the old-fashioned ministerial address to camera.

It has been revived in transitional democracies where new convenience store thesis are unlikely to have either the funds or expertise to produce their own broadcasts.

Who Produces Direct Access Broadcasts? In paper researches — especially transitional elections in poorer countries — political parties may have no facilities to make their own election broadcasts.

A well-designed system will take account of this, making sure that parties have easy access to research or more likely with broadcasting studios where they can plan and record their material.